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Atatürk's
Blueprint for Turkey
By M.Orhan Tarhan
A
revue of the history of the Republic of Turkey shows that all good things
Turkey enjoys today are the result of having followed Atatürks
blueprint for Turkey and all failures resulted because of gross deviations
from or complete ignorance of these blueprints. These plans were developed
over a long period of time in Atatürks mind, beginning perhaps
during his War College years. During the General Staff College years,
he and his close friends were reading the precursors of the French revolution,
the so-called French Enlightenment authors such as Voltaire, Montesquieu,
Diderot, and Rousseau. They wanted to find the reasons why Europe was
flourishing while the Ottoman Empire was crumbling and what could be
done to save the Ottoman Empire. What was the reason for West-European
nations to have become so much stronger and more powerful than the rest
of the World during the last 3 4 centuries and to have colonized
most of the rest of the World? For one thing, West-Europeans were considerably
better educated than the Ottomans. When the republic was established
in 1923, literacy in Turkey was below 10 %. Whereas during the enlightenment
(that the Ottoman Empire completely missed) the Europeans had learned
to make their daily decisions based on science and not on religion,
tradition, and superstition. They learned how to "use their heads".
A more rational behavior of large masses made nations more knowledgeable
and hence stronger.
Thus,
as soon as the Republic of Turkey was established, Atatürk passed
through the parliament the Law For The Unification of Education. Turkish
children were taken from the hands of ignorant hodjas (Moslem clerics)
and put in modern secular schools, where they were taught plenty of
math and sciences and taught to think for themselves. In 1928 a Latin
alphabet replaced the old cumbersome Arabic script. The new alphabet
was taught to the population in a great national literacy campaign where
those who had learned it taught the others. Atatürk expressed this
educational revolution in his statement, "The truest guide in life
is science and technology, to deny it is ignorance and stupidity".
More than anything else the secular education system is responsible
for creating what foreigners call the modern Turkey of today.
However
in recent years the reactionaries tried to undo this important progress
by opening up imam-preachers schools to the general public, where students
were fed ready-made ideas without being allowed to discuss them and
were discouraged to think for themselves. The military had to step in
and requested the eight-year obligatory school system, which forced
the middle-school sections of imam-preacher schools to be closed. It
is now hoped that boys and girls in the secular middle schools would
learn to think for themselves and would not be easily brainwashed when
entering the imam-preacher high school. This is a half measure. Actually
all the imam-preacher schools must be closed, because they poison the
minds of youngsters in making them hate Atatürk and all his reforms
and principles. Atatürk's blueprint for the enlightenment of Turks
worked very well. It made the Republic of Turkey survivable.
After
the Independence War, Turkey had no industries at all. A national industry
was built with taxpayers money as a nucleus. The state would build
and operate these plants and then sell them to private owners and use
the sale revenue to start still other industries. These factories would
be "a sort of umbrella under the shade of which private industry
would flourish." I was one of the students who were chosen in competitive
examinations and sent to Germany to study chemical engineering. I spent
the first ten years of my professional life in one of these plants,
in Karabuk. These government plants were an excellent beginning for
an industry and were first quite successful. After Atatürk, during
the presidency of Inonu, these plants continued to be technically very
successful. They were operated by Turkish graduates of the best Western
engineering schools. However, Inonu made these temporary government
industries permanent, as in socialism. He also had them managed for
political purposes, instead of commercial purposes. The advent of multi-party
democracy in Turkey in 1950 further deteriorated the management of these
industries. Parties that held the Ministry of Industry portfolio filled
the plants with their supporters, thus made them absolutely uneconomical.
A few years ago these government-owned industries and utilities (Now
called KITs) were losing $7 billion a year, a real financial black hole.
Again
Atatürks blueprint for a temporary government industry as
a nucleus was correct and successful. Its degeneration into a permanent
industry that was then used by parties for political patronage cost
Turkey as much as $7 billion every year. The ruling socialists still
drag their feet in privatization and seem to have no intention of selling
these financial black holes. That is the same amount that the military
campaign against the PKK had been costing Turkey.
For
governing the country, Atatürk set a very democratic principle:
"Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the people". That
statement is still in Article 6 of the present constitution. In the
1930s, our teachers told us that that principle would be slowly
materialized, as the citizens become better educated. As a matter of
fact, in those years citizens elected the so-called "second electors"
who voted for the peoples representatives. In 1946 the
"second
electors" were abolished and citizens began to vote directly for
their representative. Also, Inonu allowed a multi-party system and in
the next election in 1950 his Republican Party lost to the Democrats
in a landslide. During the 50s, the Democrats misused their veto-proof
majority and began to believe that they could do anything, even if it
is unconstitutional. One of their unconstitutional actions triggered
a military coup in 1960. The generals organized the preparation of a
new constitution that would prevent the Democrats to have a veto-proof
majority, which was approaching dictatorship. They assembled a group
of university professors to do that. The new constitution introduced
proportional representation that not only prevented veto-proof majorities,
but also resulted in Turkey to be governed by week coalition governments
of parties who had contradictory principles and programs. Thus, nothing
constructive could be produced. Once again the election law was changed
and the election of candidates of peoples representatives in primary
elections became possible. This practice properly placed the sovereignty
in the hands of its owner, by making to choose his own representatives.
Turgut Ozal changed that. He abolished the primaries, and gave party
bosses the right to draw up the candidates list. Of course, in
their own districts, the bosses put their own names on top of the list.
People would vote for parties, not for representatives, and the ratio
of party votes determined the ratio of candidates from various parties
to go to the parliament. Thus, PARTYCRACY was created. Such a seemingly
small change to give more power to the party bosses had unimagined negative
and destructive consequences to Turkish politics.
There
is no bond between the voter and his representative. The citizen cannot
influence nor control his representative. In the United States, when
there is an important problem, the press and the media bring it to the
attention of the public. Then, people write to their representatives,
so it is discussed in Congress and is resolved one way or another. In
Turkey, the press and the media do their job quite well, but the action
stops there. People do not write to their representatives, and even
if they would write to them, the Peoples Representative would
not care and would not do any thing. He is not accountable to the electorate;
he is accountable to the party boss.
The
representative feels loyalty to the party boss who puts his name on
the candidates list. He has no loyalty to the voter. Thus he is
really the party bosses agent, not the peoples representative.
The
party boss is always re-elected, because he always puts his own name
on top of the candidates list in his own district. Even when he
is an abject failure, he is never replaced.
Only
yes-men survive as representatives, others are dropped from the list.
Thus, parties cannot rejuvenate themselves. There is only one opinion
in any party; it is that of the boss.
In
this system that I call PARTYCRACY, corruption and wrongdoing are never
exposed or punished. The various party bosses negotiate among themselves
and the dirt is "whitened", i.e., the perpetrators are found
innocent by mutual agreement among parties. Thus, partycracy encourages
corruption, as we saw happening in the bank scandals, recently.
This
present system of Partycracy is anything but what Atatürk intended
as democracy and it is obviously contrary to Article 6 of the Constitution.
The combination of proportional representation and of Partycracy finally
brought Turkey to the pitiable conditions of today. The worse propriety
of Partycracy is that it cannot be changed democratically, because the
people, who would be voting for a change, are those who exercise the
sovereignty that was taken from the people. They would not willingly
relinquish power. Thus, some sort of a force must be applied to the
parliament to bring that change. I have maintained that Partycracy is
unconstitutional (Against Article 6) but neither Mr. Vural Savas, nor
President Sezer, to whom I wrote, used it to force the passage of a
new election law. The only other alternative would be the insistence
by the military in the National Security Council that a new law be passed.
But so far the military has been unwilling to interfere other than against
breeches of secularism. It is very worrisome and very dangerous for
Turkey to keep on being misgoverned, plundered, and mismanaged under
Partycracy.
Again,
Atatürks principle of sovereignty was a very democratic one,
the breech of which brought Turkey much weakness and unhappiness. In
the foregoing, I have demonstrated only a few such examples. Of course,
many more examples could be cited. In all of them, Atatürks
blueprint was well thought and brought good results when followed, and
bad consequences when abandoned.
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